Making the rules in space: When does careful become crushing?

NASA is tasked, by law, with the long-term goal of expanding human presence in space. This immense and incredibly long-term task requires a very forward-looking perspective tempered by humility.

Planning for our future in space necessarily means proceeding from a place of profound ignorance in an environment that continually confounds our expectations. The technocratic tendency when managing the unknown is to eliminate all uncertainty. However, we should be wary of attempts to address uncertainty by piling on rules, regulations and requirements before we adequately understand the problems we are facing.

The long-term and wildly unpredictable nature of space exploration almost guarantees running into high-consequence, low-probability “black swan” events. Some of these “black swans” will involve incredibly good fortune, others will be terrible disasters. We also know that a diverse investment portfolio is not only better able to weather adversity but to get lucky and capitalize on good fortune when it appears.

In space investment, diversity means partnerships with other countries, throughout industry, and across academia, because every new approach opens up the solution space just a little more.

This diversity also extends to different problem-solving approaches. The United States and Russia have very different engineering cultures, but the differences between those cultures have ultimately produced a healthy and robust International Space Station. Likewise, within the U.S., some approaches to building spaceflight systems are very analysis intensive while others rely on a more empirical (i.e. test and fly) methodology.

At some date in the far-off future, when we can muse about the history of space travel from the comfort of our Martian timeshare, it may make perfect sense to absolutely favor one approach over the other. But we are still relatively new to space and are still learning; it is too early to declare which approach will work best in the long term.

Over time, the task of extending human presence in space requires normalizing space activities. But normalizing what we do in space can run counter to maintaining a diverse portfolio of actors and approaches to space. One way we normalize space activity is through the creation of rules, regulations and requirements. However, if setting requirements, drafting rules, and writing regulations get too far in front of our understanding, we are inviting disaster.

The analysis-heavy, centrally-directed approach to space systems, particularly those where the government is intimately involved, can sometimes manage regulations more nimbly because the waiver process may, paradoxically, be more responsive. Where the government is closely involved in program management, regulation can be a lot closer to self-certification. Self-certification provides inherent advantages in speed and flexibility. For instance, if the NASA process for managing spaceflight waivers had been far more cumbersome, it is unclear that the Space Shuttle would have flown more than a few times, if at all.

Other approaches to space involve moving some or all the engineering activities out of government into the private sector, in the hopes that the private sector will be able to produce otherwise unavailable efficiencies. This sounds good in practice, but we must recognize that shifting some management responsibilities does not alleviate the government responsibility to regulate and look out after the public good.

But imprudent regulation impairs private sector efforts, simply because they may have a harder time getting relief from government rules than, let’s say, the DoD might. Unnecessarily stringent rules, requirements, and regulations discourage success. The precautionary principle has its appeal, but when the underlying activity itself is relatively new and uncertain, precautionary restrictions quickly turn into outright prohibition. Any arbitrary prohibition limits the diversity of our national spaceflight portfolio.

It may seem that this or that actor might benefit from favoritism, permissive oversight, or other unfair advantages. But while everybody trying to do something new in space benefits from distinct benefits and advantages, they also face unique obstacles and difficulties.

While one space company grapples with overenthusiastic regulators, another wrestles with unchecked requirements growth. In either case, if we create unnecessary restrictions before we grasp the underlying capability, we may prevent ourselves from finding workable solutions. In the end, it does not matter if there are problems with regulations or requirements if either one prevents us from solving the problems we face.

From the perspective of our national investment in space, each company, non-governmental entity, and international partner is testing out a different theory of success. A century or two from now, historians will probably look back and wonder that we didn’t see that this or that attempt was doomed to failure. But right now, we must recognize the fact that we are still learning. The point right now is to try many different things to see what will and won’t work.

If we arbitrarily restrict solutions or limit our options, we run the real risk of bypassing needed solutions to our problems. The unchecked growth of regulations, rules and requirements inhibits space activity, regardless of who is doing the designing and building. We should be very wary of using such tools to pick winners and losers at this early stage. Without allowing even a few imperfect successes at the outset, requirements and regulations are just prohibition dressed in good intentions.

Originally published in The Hill (Link)

2024 moon landing deadline is definitely political and aspirational — but that's not all bad

The Trump administration has announced its plan — the Artemis program — returning humans (and sending the first woman) to the surface of the Moon by 2024. From there, NASA intends to pivot to preparation for a human mission to Mars.

At Wednesday’s House hearing on the major development programs supporting the Artemis Program highlighted that a 2024 landing deadline might be more aspirational than actual, but was nonetheless valuable.

Current and former NASA officials noted the value of deadlines as a forcing function, allowing managers to reign in overly enthusiastic engineers trying to perfect every tiny detail and get them around to launching their rocket.

But this kind of deadline is useful in another way. The enormously complexity, difficulty and cost of space programs have specific political consequences. Some politicians may have a personal or parochial interest in space, but for most members of Congress and most occupants of the White House, the payoff times far enough away to make space an uncertain political investment. People are understandably less enthusiastic about supporting something that will not deliver any results until long after its champions have moved on.

Space exploration has enjoyed steady, bipartisan support. Certainly, politicians from both sides of the aisle recognize that space exploration is good for the country. But when it comes to spending political capital, there are light-years of difference between doing something because it is the right thing to do versus doing it for all those very noble reasons and reaping the rewards for doing so.

The current Artemis program may be changing this political calculus for the better. If the Artemis program is successful, it could represent a major shift in the politics of space. Aligning major, headline-making achievements more closely with political cycles means that uncommitted decision-makers will find space a sounder political investment.

And that’s not just for presidents in their second term, either. Senators serve a six-year term; many congressional leadership positions are limited to six years as well. Bringing NASA to a six- to eight-year cadence creates a broad political incentive for all members of Congress and the administration to make space exploration goals happen.

Synchronizing space to a political calendar creates complications. Speeding a program up generally incurs increased risks to cost, performance and safety. But there are at least two mitigating factors at work here.

First, schedule pressure can indeed impact safety — the first example of that is the Apollo 1 fire that killed three astronauts on the launch pad in 1967. NASA and the American space industry are all acutely aware of the risks of outpacing sound judgment. In a world where space exploration is set to achieve major goals on a six- to eight-year political cadence, mishaps mean that political leaders get blamed for the tragic death of astronauts on their watch, rather than celebrating their heroic accomplishments.

The entire political value proposition is underwritten by the centrality of safe success; there is no looming Cold War threat to justify extraordinary risk-taking or failure. In the case of the Artemis, the 2024 goal is sound only so long as NASA feels it can slide the schedule a bit if safety becomes an overriding concern.

Second, a combination of physics, engineering and politics mean that NASA has already made great progress in creating a solid foundation for Artemis. We are not beginning from a cold start. Momentum has been building for 15 years. We will not be paying the kind of premium for speed that we saw with the Apollo program. Instead, we are close to a sustainable program of human deep space exploration that may permit regular, ongoing wins for years and decades to come, especially if we diversify our investments in both established space industry partners and new entrants.

This second point has an important implication. The current orientation toward the moon and Mars started under Bush. Obama administration leadership was critical in maturing the program and introducing key architecture elements. Trump has accelerated the work of the two previous administrations. If we manage to get over the Artemis finish line, this will be a victory with a lot of winners on both sides of the aisle and both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue. Conversely, if the current push falters and fails because it is undercut by Congress, then assigning blame will be straightforward.

Broadly speaking, two things need to happen if the United States is to shift to a more aggressive tempo of major space exploration accomplishments. First, congressional leadership is vital. NASA already has strong bipartisan support, but congressional appropriators and authorizers can provide the stable funding and legislative foundation necessary for both Congress and the White House to continue investing significant effort in big space projects.

Second, NASA and the space industry must continue to change. Gearing up toward a steady, metronome-like beat producing major wins every six- to eight-years, while being safe and prudent, will be a challenge. By no means an impossible effort, but most certainly a difficult one that will require careful deliberation.

Today, Washington feels more combative and divided than ever. NASA is something of an exception; it enjoys bipartisan interest and support. Congressional leadership now means that bipartisan support can produce bipartisan rewards. And if there is a time when the nation needs some big, shared wins, it is now. So, let’s aim for a 2024 landing, be willing to declare something reasonably close to that a win, and get moving.

Originally published in The Hill (Link)

A diversified space portfolio

In coming weeks, NASA is expected to announce more contracts in support of its ambitious effort to return U.S. astronauts to the lunar surface by 2024. This will be an important step for NASA as it works toward its statutory long-term goal to enable “human exploration and the extension of human presence throughout the solar system.”

The campaign to expand human reach and presence throughout the solar system is an immense task that will take many decades. Over the course of this effort, the U.S. will make a tremendous investment in people, technology and resources. The strategies that will inform the build up and management of this investment portfolio will play out year by year through the federal budget process and congressional action. Throughout this process, planners and decision-makers must not lose sight of the fact that this really is assembling an investment portfolio. Good portfolio management practices apply here as they do in any other large investment portfolio.

Diversification is an essential feature of a good, well-designed portfolio. In the case of space exploration, this means a balance between reliance on established incumbents and new entrants. Without delving into the details, the space exploration industry is playing host to a very familiar story, one we have seen unfold in computer, automotive, and other industries, in which established incumbents (companies like Boeing and Lockheed Martin) battle aggressive new entrants (think SpaceX and Blue Origin) over the future of space exploration.

The simple fact of the matter is that both incumbent and new players in space have, through technological audacity and sheer tenacity, carved out secure niches in the space industry. Nobody is packing it up and going home without a fight so devastating that everyone would lose. This simple fact frustrates some of the most adamant supporters on either side.

Depending on who you ask, the incumbents are either reliable, tried and tested manufacturers or old, antiquated dinosaurs. Likewise, the new entrants are either agile, high-tech pioneers or reckless, cavalier upstarts. Partisans for either side are quick to point out which nuances of space exploration or federal procurement make this case special on their way to arguing for why their side is indisputably superior.

The reality is that we simply do not know very much about the best way to design, build and implement the space exploration architectures and economic systems that will unfold over coming decades. It is reasonable to suppose that even 100 years from now that we will still be in the earliest stages of extending human presence throughout the solar system. Figuring out how to do that will involve a lot of trial and error. Claiming that we already know the best way to explore the entire solar system — considering humans have not even set foot on the moon in almost five decades, let alone traveled to another planet — is a pretty bold assertion.

The choice between established incumbents and new entrants is neither easy nor clear. Professionals throughout the space industry have some very strongly held (and wildly divergent) views about which approach is best. At times, the fight between these two camps has taken on the bitterness and intensity (not to mention futility) of a knife fight in a rubber life raft.

Certainly, familiar issues of cost, schedule and performance are at work (even if mutually agreed upon metrics and benchmarks are sometimes still elusive). But beyond that, there are broader — and murkier — issues. New and established entrants both engage the public very differently, with different results — no small matter in a taxpayer-funded program with a global profile. That hard-to-measure difference in public and political engagement goes beyond current messaging and will become extremely important in the event of a severe flight mishap, especially a fatal one.

A diversified portfolio decreases the chance that a single catastrophic failure will bring everything to a halt. Or, to put it in engineering terms, a diversified portfolio improves reliability through dissimilar redundancy. If one approach fails or cannot solve the problem, the existence of different alternatives can carry the day. This is critically important in the case of national strategic priorities where the U.S. might want to have reliable backups in place, should a major mishap occur.

Perhaps even more importantly, a broader portfolio that includes several high-risk, high-payoff options increases the chances that the investor will reap the benefits of new breakthroughs. In the space arena, new entrants are pushing some very bold approaches to space. If any of those meet expectations, the dynamics of space exploration will change radically. A diversified portfolio means that if those revolutionary breakthroughs do pan out, we can capitalize on them without having to make the leap of faith involved in relying exclusively on one big, ambitious gamble.

Moreover, both incumbents and upstarts affect and influence each other. New entrants are pushing established incumbents to aggressively reduce costs and revisit a lot of “received wisdom." Established incumbents set a high bar for safety and reliability. Going all-in for either incumbents or new entrants is no more a sound investment than putting all your savings on black or red at the roulette table. Just choosing one color one over the other does not make for a wiser investment strategy, just a riskier gamble.

Originally published in The Hill (Link)

Ending the Moon versus Mars fight

NASA’s long-term goals include enabling “the extension of human presence throughout the solar system.” This will be an incredibly long, arduous and difficult task requiring countless steps over many generations. But for whatever reason, the U.S. spaceflight community seems bound and determined to start this journey by shooting themselves in the foot with another interminable debate over which essential steps we can ignore and how quickly we can ignore them.

Preserving “continuity of purpose” was a dominant theme in the 2017 NASA Transition Authorization Act. Over the years, changes in direction, restarts and program cancelations have taken their toll on NASA. Planning for human space exploration perfectly captures this strategic uncertainty. We are fortunate to have not just one, but two good, early destinations for human exploration: the moon and Mars.

Barring any unforeseen discoveries, these two destinations are by far the best choices for human exploration in space. The moon has the great advantage of being significantly less distant, while Mars is rather less completely hostile to human life.

A 2003 Columbia Accident Investigation Board Report included a discussion of long-term direction for the U.S. space program. That discussion is the foundation of the now widely accepted consensus position: It is time for human exploration to move beyond low-Earth orbit. Since 2003, three different presidential administrations have sought to put their own, unique stamp on human exploration of deep space.

Under the George W. Bush administration, the plan was to go to the moon and then Mars.

The Obama administration wanted, instead, to send people to Mars by way of the moon. Certainly, NASA under the Obama administration tried very hard to shift the focus of human exploration to Mars, but even then, could not completely bypass the moon. The Asteroid Retrieval Mission (ARM) was proposed as a part of the broader plan for exploration and has become, effectively, a precursor to the Lunar Gateway — a small, permanent lunar orbiting outpost — which features in current exploration plans.

The plan under the Trump administration is something of a synthesis that tries to go to the moon and then pivot to Mars.

The fact that the Bush, Obama and Trump administrations have agreed on anything — that human spaceflight should take people to both the Moon and Mars — represents an astonishing level of consensus in this political climate. At a more pragmatic level, it demonstrates the fact that no viable plan can completely disregard one destination at the expense of the other.

These two destinations are linked, in part due to the unyielding facts of physics, engineering and biology. A larger issue is the political reality. If both destinations are attractive, a moon exploration program is viable from one administration to the next only insofar as it sends people to Mars. Likewise, a Mars exploration program will survive changes at the White House only if it provides for substantial human exploration of the moon.

Clearly, NASA’s budget will not allow for simultaneous moon and Mars programs. These goals must be pursued sequentially. But just because the goals will be achieved sequentially does not mean that all the work leading to them must also be carried out sequentially. A short-term plan to land astronauts on the moon can be made to serve the purposes of a long-term plan to send humans to Mars, and vice versa.

As for those efforts that can’t simultaneously support both moon and Mars efforts, they can at least minimize the cost associated with switching between targets.

Any architecture that cannot count on strong support from both Moon and Mars advocates will find it hard to develop enough institutional and political inertia to resist counterproductive, spurious changes in focus. Any architecture that is predicated on telling either Moon or Mars advocates that their voice is unnecessary, unneeded, and irrelevant is going to be under constant attack from the neglected stakeholder.

To be clear, this is not rehashing the argument that we can dismiss any debate about destination because going to one requires, for reasons of engineering, physics, or logistics, a presence at the other. It will almost always be possible to find a better, cheaper, and more effective solution that focuses narrowly on one objective to the exclusion of the other — at least on paper.

Realistically, it is prudent to assume (at least for planning purposes) that future administrations reserve the right to change the emphasis back and forth between the Moon and Mars. That reality means that the best architecture will produce progress toward both destinations while minimizing the penalty for switching between them.

A particular case in point is the currently proposed Lunar Gateway. A Gateway may not be the best way to get astronauts to the lunar surface, nor is it necessarily the best way to send humans to Mars. However, it is a serviceable option in both architectures. More importantly, it is something useful that NASA can work on and build that will not necessarily have to be cancelled the next time there is a change in destination. A pared-down, direct approach to landing humans on the surface of the Moon will produce far less that will survive a shift in emphasis to Mars. Likewise, an approach that focuses solely on sending humans to Mars will be hard-pressed to deliver progress that can be effectively repurposed if Mars once again falls out of favor as a destination for human exploration.

A program focused on one destination to the exclusion of the other is a responsible choice only insofar as one Congress can tie the hands of a future Congress, or that one administration can make future occupants of the White House bend to its will.

The journey of 100 million miles begins with just one step, and it doesn’t really matter whether we take that first step with the right foot or the left. What matters is that we don’t attempt the journey while hopping on one foot.

Originally published in The Hill (Link)